President Hennessy,

President Emeritus Casper,

Chair of the Board of Trustees Leslie Hume,

Dear guests,

Faculty members,

And, of course, dear students,

At the beginning of our visit, our thoughts were occupied by the fact that today four German soldiers died during operations in Afghanistan – in a mission that aims to guarantee our free­dom and security. Sadly, we are having the same experiences in Germany today that you are having in the United States. These days, our countries are sharing responsibilities in many areas.

The subject of my speech today is that, in the 21^st century, we have many responsibilities, and we will only be able to successfully shoulder these if we act together. I would like to add that we must jointly attempt and make every effort to find solutions to the truly important issues of our times. I wish to illustrate this with three examples.

My first example concerns the shared responsibility that we must assume to tackle the great challenge of security. Security is the prerequisite for a life in freedom. If I again take the example of the mission in Afghanistan, then I know that both here, in the United States, and back in my home country, many people have doubts as to whether this mission is necessary and the right thing to do. I want to clearly state that I respect these doubts. But I want to add that I firmly stand behind our joint mission in Afghanistan, with a view to stabilizing the country until it is able to assume responsibility for its own security.

You know that September 11^th has much to do with why we are in Afghanistan today. At the time, our security was threatened. Horrible terrorist attacks were committed, and in this case they had inflicted hard suffering on the United States. We then made a joint decision to stand up for stability and security in Afghanistan, so that we could live in security and freedom.

Now that we have for years been massively engaged in Afghanistan, we know that we will only succeed if we convince the Afghans that we stand shoulder-to-shoulder with them. We have developed a new strategy in our alliance, NATO. This strategy places the focus on the Afghan people and makes them our partners. For we must and want to transfer responsibility to them, but we must also empower them to assume it.

It has taken us very long – some may say too long – to arrive at the common understanding that military operations alone will not solve the problem, that military operations must be combined with development, to confront adversaries who do not adhere to conventional warfare, but rather act asymmetrically. This means that, unlike the days of the Cold War, when peace could be kept through deterrence because both adversaries refrained from self-destruction, we are today facing asymmetric conflicts in which the attackers do not fear losing their life.

This shows us that, in order to meet such new challenges, we must have more knowledge. We must research more. We must know more about countries and cultures such as Afghanistan, about interrelationships between ethnicities, tribes, and religions, about their regional integration, people’s concerns, and the root causes of why people are ready to resort to force, which it appears we have great difficulty taking action against. Thinking of the numerous countries and regions in the world that we out of concern for our own security must already focus on, I should add with respect to Afghanistan that other countries demand attention, too, such as Somalia, the Sudan, central parts of Africa, the Near and Middle East, as well as parts of Latin America and Asia.

We have to address other, new challenges in the security domain. This week, I attended the conference convened by U.S. President Barack Obama, which concentrated on how to ensure nuclear security. One of the great challenges which is now quite conceivable is that individual states could transfer nuclear material to terrorist groups, thus unleashing a nuclear threat of previously unknown dimensions. It was very good to see that 47 countries have committed to taking resolute action on this issue. However, it is quite obvious that such a challenge cannot be met by anyone going it alone – not the United States of America, not Europe, nor China or India.

This means that, today, our freedom has become much more dependent on pursuing a security policy that is tailored to addressing global threats and that is complemented by credible, strategic, and locally-supported development policy. Freedom, solidarity, and partnership are inseparably linked today. Only in this way can we overcome the challenges we face.

Besides security, I would like to highlight a second challenge. It concerns solving the crisis in the international economic and financial markets. This crisis struck one and a half years ago. Its effects have been felt around the globe. Excessive practices in the markets have led to many uninvolved people being affected. Immense assets were almost instantly wiped out. Innumerable life savings and jobs were lost – in the United States, as well as in Europe, Asia, and elsewhere.

We know that the consequences of this financial market crisis will be long felt. Record public debt levels, decreasing growth outlooks, increasing unemployment – all this is a heavy burden. We should also not forget that the effects of this crisis are far more devastating in developing countries – which can by no means be blamed for this predicament – than in our countries of the industrialized world.

Because we caused this crisis in our countries, we have an obligation and responsibility to do everything within our power to overcome the consequences of this crisis as quickly as possible, and to make sure that such crises never happen again. This means that we need a new, that is to say global, financial architecture. We must make every effort to prevent protec­tionism and isolationism from being the answer to this crisis. First and foremost, we must bring about free trade on a global scale.

We realize that, especially in such difficult situations, every country tends to put itself first. Yet I am convinced that this would be precisely the wrong response. If we want to prevent such a crisis from repeating itself, and that is what we must do, then we must go much further than I have said. We will need to strike a new balance between economic freedom and trans­parent regulations. We need regulations that prevent an entire community of nations from being harmed by the actions of individuals. This crisis has after all made it particularly clear that such regulations can only be created on a global scale. It has also demonstrated that freedom must always go hand in hand with responsibility, and it requires solidarity.

Moreover, and this is directed at the economic sciences, one must honestly confess that the sciences have not sufficiently recognized this problem. We often give great credence to prognoses. Yet the prognoses that were made did not serve as an early warning of such a crisis. That is why research on the mechanisms of the international financial markets will certainly have to be intensified.

In the midst of this crisis, we must however insist that we need open markets and that we must not abandon the rules of freedom. We are thus facing the great challenge of creating a system for the global markets that combines freedom, solidarity, and global partnership. The group of G8 nations – the major industrialized countries plus Russia – which have closely cooperated in the past, will certainly continue to play a significant role in this regard. However, specific­ally this financial market crisis has shown us that this is no longer sufficient. We need the emerging economies, such as China, India, Brazil, and South Africa just as much, and we must shape our future together with them. This is yet another example that global cooperation is absolutely necessary for finding the right answers with respect to our security, and for succeeding in our respective countries.

The third great challenge besides security policy and the financial crisis is climate protection. Professor Casper has commented on this. I am convinced that it is one of the major challenges faced by humankind. Climate and energy policies, in a comprehensive sense, are today peace policy for the world.

The outcome of the climate conference in Copenhagen in December was disappointing. We did not make much progress and once again saw how difficult it is to find common answers among more than a hundred states to an undisputed challenge. We had the objective scientific data on the table, and we still did not manage to draw the correct political conclusions.

I am very pleased that, in the United States, relevant discussions of this topic have gained some momentum. But I want to plainly state that I am not completely satisfied. I hope that especially the young generation – those who are studying here at Stanford and who know much better how finite our global resources are – will put some pressure on policymakers. Clean and renewable energy are not only fascinating areas of research, they are indispensable if we are not to place an unbearable burden on our children and grandchildren in the 21^st century.

Ladies and gentlemen, on climate protection in particular, a wedge must not be driven between Europe and the United States. The more we act in concert, the better we will be able to also convince countries such as China and India. It is also true that we, the industrialized countries, are responsible for a significant share of global warming. Those who are just approaching the economic development that we have already gone through are of course afraid of being denied development. Also for this reason, research and innovation are essential for illustrating that we can continue to meet our demand for energy; we will just have to use different methods. We can bring about sustainable development. We can exploit new resources.

I believe that climate protection and access to energy will become a central test as to whether and how we as free and highly-developed societies are ready to form a union of freedom and solidarity in the spirit of partnership across continents. We owe this to ourselves, of this I am firmly convinced. We owe it not only to ourselves, but also to the poor regions in this world. If we do not understand this, we will again be faced with conflicts on a global scale that will threaten security in our countries. This means we need to understand.

Ladies and gentlemen, time and again it becomes apparent that our common challenges which no one can meet on their own must be addressed together, on the basis of our fundamental values. That is the wonderful thing that Europe – in particular Germany, the country that I represent – and the United States have in common, namely the idea that the individual counts. Our German constitution, the Basic Law, states that: “Human dignity shall be inviolable.” Our understanding of freedom derives from this. This is not random freedom, it is responsible freedom.

We find this freedom in so many areas. For example, academics use this freedom to pursue research and constantly expand the borders of knowledge. There is also the freedom of thought and opinion. Young students are certainly looking forward to leading an independent life, enjoying their freedom away from home, but also assuming responsibility. Finally, for us politicians, freedom is perhaps the most important and central political asset that is entrusted to us. We have to protect it, we must nurture, care for, and promote it.

All of us must make a common effort to fulfill this mandate, that is, to preserve freedom. That is why, to me, solidarity and shared responsibility are indispensable aspects of freedom. They are interlinked. Just as we here in California, in the United States, in Germany and in Europe, indeed on all continents, are united by our longing for freedom, we are also united by the desire for coherence and solidarity.

Ladies and gentlemen, the few examples I have mentioned with respect to the financial crisis, as well as to climate and energy policy, and to security policy, clearly illustrate that much is at stake, because we are all equally affected by these challenges. Averting our eyes would be wrong. These examples also show that we can only succeed together.

For example, without China as a responsible partner, we will not be able to control global warming. Without countries such as Brazil or India, we will not be able to lay down regula­tions for the financial markets. Also, the Iranian nuclear program will not be effectively stopped without China and Russia. Yet we know that we must stop it, for it threatens not only the security of the State of Israel, but all of us.

Speaking of partnerships, this thus implies that Europe and America are not only natural, but also the best feasible partners, because we agree on nearly all questions relating to the future. We simply share the same values. I have spoken of human dignity. It is at the core of our political action.

Some of you may think that we Europeans are rather complicated: 27 member countries in a European Union, each self-confident, with decision-making taking some time. That is true, but in America, as well, decisions occasionally take some time. Ladies and gentlemen, the European continent has achieved something that for centuries was not possible. The European nation states have for hundreds of years waged wars against each other. The European Union guarantees that this will not happen again.

In searching for partners, it also becomes apparent that we will have to look far beyond our transatlantic borders. On the West Coast of the United States, you very much understand this. Therefore, further development of good relations with China will have a great impact on the future of America and of Europe. We must learn to understand China, with its great culture and its enormous potential for the future.

Yesterday, I visited the Getty Center in Los Angeles. There, European medieval manuscripts were on exhibit that already then transported our knowledge to the Arab region. There I again realized that China was the leader in mathematics in the 10^th century. If you speak to Chinese, they say they want to pick up where they stood at that time. They say ‘we want to again be the country that leads the way in the world.’ That has already happened in history. This means we must know a great deal more about other countries.

For us Europeans and for Americans, it is true that Russia, too, must be incorporated into Euro-Atlantic structures. I think that the START treaty recently signed by President Obama and Russian President Medvedev is an important milestone that shows there is indeed a willingness to disarm.

We will need to build up completely new partnerships in the different regions of the world, so that problems arising from crises there do not immediately spill over to our own countries. These partnerships, of this I am sure, will only be successful if we truly convince people in other cultures that we are not opposed to them, that we do not want to simply live on as before, and ask only them to change – but rather that we stand by their side.

Jonathan Sacks, a British scholar, once in quite another context coined a phrase that I believe accurately reflects the global questions of the future. He spoke of the “dignity of difference”. To recognize this dignity of difference, we must reflect on it. This means we must have respect for, and above all knowledge about, other cultures.

This brings me back to research and innovation. Your university leads the way in state-of-the-art technology in many areas. My related discussions here today in the Bay Area and in Silicon Valley have deeply impressed me. I think your region is one of the most important laboratories for the global future.

There are many reasons for this: close networking and cooperation between universities, research institutions, and companies, an excellent infrastructure, a dynamic venture capital market, as well as many people who contribute their skills, their creativity, and their commit­ment to innovative companies and products. I was also impressed by the close cooperation with German research institutions and industry.

You should know that Germany has always attached great importance to ingenuity and creativity. We are proud that Germany invented the automobile, the computer, the fax machine, the MP3 player, and many other things. Yes, we invented the computer, whether you like it or not! I warmly invite you to visit the Konrad Zuse Zentrum für Informationstechnik Berlin (ZIB). You can be happy that you are earning so much money with the computer industry today – sometimes we find the fact that we are not doing as well on that front a bit unnerving, and that is why we are working hard to catch up – but nevertheless, do not think that Americans invented everything!

Ladies and gentlemen, education, research, and innovation, I believe we all agree, are essential for sustainable growth, secure jobs, and our prosperity. We know that we are not our only competition. Emerging economies such as China have meanwhile made the leap from being an importer of science to a producer of science. They play an increasingly important role. When talking to Californians, you hear that many Chinese have now returned to China to make a future for themselves in their country of origin. Also in this respect, it is true that Europe and the United States must work together intensively if we want to assert our lead in innovation.

While we held the Presidency of the European Union, we proposed to President Bush that the Transatlantic Economic Council be established, and we set this institution up. It is continuing its work under the Obama administration. The aim is to not erect barriers as regards norms, standards, and many other issues. Rather, we must pool our resources and try to maintain our lead with regard to innovation.

Ladies and gentlemen, in my view, we could do a great deal more with respect to scientific cooperation. A common space for science and research in the transatlantic domain could be a great idea for the future, even if this cannot be realized immediately.

I think that there is great interest in this among young scientists in both our countries. The number of German students in the U.S. was up 9% during the 2008/2009 academic year. There is a heightened interest to go to America. We are also happy about every American student studying in Germany. Here, too, there are substantial increases.

There are more than 50 bilateral cooperation agreements. Very close cooperation exists in space exploration, environmental technology, the medical field, astrophysics, and the shared use of large scientific equipment. Since I am here at Stanford, I would particularly like to point out that the German Elektronen-Synchrotron DESY in Hamburg and the SLAC National Accelerator Laboratory at your university are increasingly intensifying their cooperation. For example, a joint graduate school is to be established, which both our countries are of course very interested in. We therefore have a good basis for expanding our possibilities for cooper­ation, of course also by involving industry.

Ladies and gentlemen, Professor Hennessy, Professor Casper, I would like to end with a personal remark: Speaking to you here at Stanford today makes me think back to my own years as a student of physics and as an academic assistant. In what was then the German Democratic Republic, access to American scientific research was quite limited and controlled by the ruling communists. Even if we managed to read some papers produced by Stanford scientists, “Stanford” for us was just far, far away, a scientific paradise unreachable from behind the Iron Curtain. Then, when the wall fell 20 years ago, my husband and I did what we had dreamed about for so long: we came to and traveled around this beautiful state. Today, as the Chancellor of Germany, I feel honored and privileged to be your guest.

Therefore I would like to thank not only your current President John Hennessy or your former President Gerhard Casper. I would also like to thank the very first president of Stanford, David Starr Jordan, who made the wise decision to choose a very special quote as the motto of your university: “Die Luft der Freiheit weht!” Note that I pronounced it correctly. What a great quote from the philosopher Ulrich von Hutten!

“The wind of freedom” – this is what I felt when 20 years ago the wall came down, when my divided country and my continent Europe were reunited after decades of painful separation, and when I finally could visit. That your university is still proudly displaying this – originally Latin – motto in German in its seal is very moving for me.

So I end my remarks with the motto of your university, which is as European as it then became American: “Die Luft der Freiheit weht!” To me this motto is filled with life whenever our common American and European values are translated into reality through a shared sense of responsibility and partnership, through knowledge and innovation and respect for human dignity. Thank you very much for the invitation.